LONDON — After years of partisan battling, Prime Minister Theresa May and the opposition leader Jeremy Corbyn began an emergency, 11th-hour effort Wednesday to find common ground on Britain’s tortuous effort to withdraw from the European Union.
The question was, could they overcome their antagonistic history and find a way out of the quagmire?
The first signs, following a two-hour meeting between Conservative and Labour leaders in a wood-paneled office in Parliament, were guardedly optimistic, at least from the government’s side.
“Today’s talks were constructive, with both sides showing flexibility and a commitment to bring the current Brexit uncertainty to a close,” a government spokesman said. “We have agreed a program of work to ensure we deliver for the British people, protecting jobs and security.”
Mr. Corbyn, who is navigating treacherous political terrain in the negotiations, was markedly less enthusiastic.
“There hasn’t been as much change as I expected, but we will have further discussions tomorrow to explore technical issues,” he said.
Mr. Corbyn said he told the government that Labour wanted to remain in a customs union with the European Union, with access to the bloc’s single market and regulatory structures, adding: “I also raised the option of a public vote to prevent crashing out or leaving on a bad deal.”
The spotlight in the cross-party negotiations seemed for now to be falling on Mr. Corbyn, who has spent the last two years dodging it.
A left-wing critic of the European Union, he has played coy throughout the preparations for the withdrawal, known as Brexit.
Throughout the Brexit debate, Mr. Corbyn has ducked and weaved, trying to bridge the gap between the Remainers and Leavers in his own party while letting Mrs. May take the blame for the shambling effort to steer Britain’s departure.
His trick has been to oppose what Labour calls Mrs. May’s “Tory Brexit,” insisting that he could negotiate something better, while keeping alive the possibility of holding a second referendum, even if he has shown little enthusiasm for the idea.
Ahead of the 2016 referendum, he did the bare minimum for the pro-European campaign, and many believe he would be happy were Britain to leave the bloc — providing he is not seen as responsible for the exit.
“His ideal scenario is that May gets her deal through, he votes against it and is not tainted,” said Steven Fielding, a professor of political history at the University of Nottingham.
But after three large parliamentary defeats of the departure deal that Mrs. May negotiated with the bloc, that looks unlikely to happen.
And now, Mrs. May’s cross-party initiative threatens to drag him into the Brexit maelstrom, threatening to tear apart the Labour Party, which, like the Conservatives, is internally divided on the stay/leave issue.
Clearly, for Mr. Corbyn, ducking and weaving is no longer an option.
“This is his moment of decision,” Mr. Fielding said. “His policy has been one of constructive ambiguity, but now he has to decide. He has to act, he has to come to a decision.”
Getting there, however, will be devilishly tricky, requiring the balancing of several strong political currents in his party.
Many of the new, mainly young, supporters Mr. Corbyn has attracted to Labour in recent years are passionate pro-Europeans and favor a second vote, where people would choose between the government’s Brexit plan and staying in the bloc. A big group of his lawmakers agree.
But a sizable number of Labour lawmakers, around 20 percent, represent working-class districts that voted to leave. Fearing a backlash among their constituents, many want to honor the referendum result and end freedom of movement from the European Union, primarily to cut immigration from Eastern Europe.
Further complicating matters, some of Mr. Corbyn’s closest allies are left-wing Brexit — or “Lexit” — supporters who believe the bloc’s antitrust rules might prevent a socialist Corbyn government from enacting policies like subsidizing loss-making businesses or offering government contracts to local companies without opening them up to tendering.
So far Mr. Corbyn has managed to straddle the divide and keep to the letter, if not the spirit, of last year’s agreement at the Labour Party conference, which supported a second referendum in the absence of his preferred option: a general election.
The idea of a second referendum is gaining momentum among Labour lawmakers.
On Wednesday, Emily Thornberry, who would be expected to have the foreign secretary post in a Labour government, endorsed the idea.
But Mrs. May and her Conservative allies have adamantly opposed a second referendum, saying that in a closely divided nation it would yield another close result that would only make matters worse.
As the two sides continue their talks, one possible area of agreement is Labour’s proposal for Britain remaining in a customs union with the bloc, which eliminates tariffs on goods between member nations. But Mr. Corbyn says he wants a post-Brexit Britain to also be able to influence European Union trade policy and the deals the bloc strikes around the world that would apply to Britain too.
That negotiating point, however, would be hard if not impossible to get the bloc to agree to.
Mr. Corbyn also wants to align British and European Union environmental and product standards, keeping close to Europe’s single market albeit from the outside. That is not as far from the deal Mrs. May has negotiated as it may appear.
Mrs. May’s proposal envisions keeping Britain in its current status until 2020, when it would leave the customs union and the single market, giving it control over immigration.
But the plan, contained in a nonbinding political declaration that is separate from the withdrawal agreement, leaves open the possibility of staying quite close to those structures. And unlike the legally binding withdrawal treaty spelling out divorce terms, it remains a matter still open to negotiation with the bloc.
Yet even if Mr. Corbyn could agree to a blueprint with Mrs. May, there would remain the problem of devising assurances to Labour that the government would stick to the plan. Given that Mrs. May has already announced she plans to step aside if she secures agreement for her Brexit plan, Labour worries that she will be succeeded by a hard-line Brexit supporter who could tear up any deal struck now.
Even if she were to remain in office, the complexity in trade negotiations is in the details, and those negotiations would be conducted by the government. So Labour would want any agreement reached written into British law, though even that could be repealed by a different Conservative government following an election.
But perhaps the biggest problem for Mr. Corbyn? If he refused to demand that any Brexit plan be put to a second referendum, that could provoke a huge backlash from pro-European Labour lawmakers.
Mr. Fielding believes Mr. Corbyn would like Brexit out of the way because he sees it as a distraction from his attacks on austerity. But like the rest of the Brexit riddle, the Labour leader’s next moves are impossible to predict, Mr. Fielding said.
“What one person does or doesn’t do at a certain point can shape the rest of British history for the foreseeable future,” said Mr. Fielding. “Isn’t that a scary thought.”B:
本港台现场报码38期“【老】【婆】，【我】【们】【明】【天】【去】【里】【吧】。” 【千】【夏】【一】【个】【人】【单】【独】【呆】【在】【一】【个】***【上】。 【那】【份】***【自】【从】【她】【拿】【到】【之】【后】，【再】【也】【没】【看】【过】，【看】【一】【眼】【就】【觉】【得】【孤】【独】【一】【分】，【直】【接】【被】【她】【锁】【在】【了】【抽】【屉】【里】。 【想】【到】【那】【个】【只】【有】【她】【一】【个】【人】【的】【户】【口】【簿】，【马】【上】【就】【要】【从】【一】【个】【人】【变】【成】【两】【个】【人】，【再】【变】【成】【三】【个】【人】…… 【千】【夏】【一】【颗】【心】，【顿】【时】【热】【乎】【乎】【的】。 …… 【民】【政】【局】
【时】【清】【浅】【回】【到】【原】【来】【的】【位】【置】【坐】【下】，【就】【听】【到】【侯】【潇】【潇】【再】【嚷】【嚷】【着】【自】【己】【的】【名】【贵】【手】【链】【丢】【了】，【时】【清】【浅】【众】【人】【将】【目】【光】【不】【约】【而】【同】【的】【转】【向】【了】【时】【清】【浅】。 【时】【清】【浅】【无】【辜】【的】【看】【着】【众】【人】，【侯】【潇】【潇】【过】【来】【眼】【神】【不】【善】【的】【看】【着】【时】【清】【浅】【说】：“【你】【有】【没】【有】【偷】【了】【我】【的】【手】【链】。” 【时】【清】【浅】【懒】【懒】【的】【用】【手】【指】【掏】【了】【掏】【自】【己】【的】【耳】【朵】【说】：“【你】【说】【什】【么】？【我】【有】【没】【有】【偷】【了】【你】【的】【手】【链】，【嗯】……
【这】【个】【金】【羌】【是】【个】【明】【眼】【人】，【能】【屈】【能】【伸】，【重】【情】【重】【义】。 【明】【面】【上】【他】【是】【将】【此】【行】【托】【出】，【实】【际】【上】【除】【了】【一】【条】【线】，【啥】【也】【没】【说】。 【也】【仅】【仅】【是】【搬】【出】【了】【东】【海】，【如】【果】【对】【方】【识】【相】，【也】【会】【卖】【他】【东】【海】【一】【个】【人】【情】。 【但】【是】【最】【后】【既】【没】【有】【将】【亏】【欠】【赖】【在】【东】【海】【身】【上】，【也】【没】【有】【给】【他】【们】【嘴】【里】【的】【贵】【客】【造】【成】【什】【么】【不】【便】。 【完】【全】【把】【麻】【烦】【都】【揽】【在】【了】【自】【己】【身】【上】。 【澜】【染】【笑】【了】【笑】
【人】【马】【没】【有】【意】【识】【到】【危】【险】【已】【经】【靠】【近】，【依】【然】【在】【固】【体】【一】【塔】【前】【的】【位】【置】【补】【着】【刀】。 “【干】【他】！”【跳】【刀】【跳】【刀】【先】【手】【急】【速】【冷】【却】【给】【上】【人】【马】。 【看】【到】【跳】【刀】【跳】【刀】【先】【手】【控】【到】【人】【马】，b【神】【也】【不】【二】【话】，【开】【启】【大】【招】【神】【之】【力】【量】【冲】【上】【去】【输】【出】。 【跳】【刀】【跳】【刀】【切】【出】【电】【磁】【脉】【冲】，【将】【磁】【暴】【放】【到】【了】【人】【马】【身】【前】【的】【位】【置】。 【人】【马】【连】【忙】【交】【出】【大】【招】，【从】【侧】【面】【绕】【过】【磁】【暴】【的】【伤】【害】【范】【围】
【本】【赛】【季】【的】【中】【甲】【常】【规】【赛】【已】【完】【成】，【附】【加】【赛】【也】【各】【赛】【一】【场】，【也】【就】【是】【说】【本】【赛】【季】【还】【剩】【下】【两】【场】【就】【彻】【底】【圆】【满】【结】【束】【了】。【喜】【忧】【参】【半】【优】【胜】【劣】【汰】，【已】【保】【级】【者】【长】【出】【口】【气】，【而】【对】【于】【宏】【运】【与】【四】【川】【显】【然】【就】【没】【那】【么】【轻】【松】【了】。本港台现场报码38期【叶】【昂】【骤】【然】【睁】【开】【眼】【睛】，【浑】【身】【大】【汗】【淋】【漓】，【接】【着】【便】【是】【一】【副】【放】【弃】【治】【疗】【的】【模】【样】，【任】【由】【自】【己】【的】【躯】【体】【自】【半】【空】【中】【跌】【落】，【砸】【在】【木】【板】【上】【溅】【起】【无】【数】【的】【水】【花】。 【如】【果】【此】【时】【有】【力】【气】，【叶】【昂】【一】【定】【会】【破】【口】【大】【骂】。 【什】【么】【阴】【阳】【道】【衍】，【天】【机】【秘】【术】，【就】【是】【个】【坑】【货】！ 【鬼】【知】【道】【天】【机】【居】【然】【都】【混】【乱】【成】【了】【这】【个】【模】【样】，【在】【他】【意】【识】【借】【助】【元】【神】【访】【问】【天】【机】【数】【据】【的】【时】【候】，【那】【一】【片】
“【华】【山】【派】【的】【高】【手】！” 【天】【赐】【等】【人】【赶】【到】【后】，【顿】【时】【认】【出】【了】【场】【中】【比】【试】【俩】【人】【的】【武】【学】。 “【那】【是】【慕】【容】【家】【的】【慕】【容】【端】【木】！【这】【斗】【转】【星】【移】【的】【神】【功】【果】【然】【厉】【害】！【连】【华】【山】【派】【的】【混】【元】【功】【都】【能】【反】【弹】！” 【天】【赐】【眼】**【现】【光】【芒】。 【华】【凌】【虚】【和】【慕】【容】【端】【木】！ 【俩】【人】【不】【知】【为】【何】，【打】【了】【起】【来】。 【华】【凌】【虚】【这】【次】【没】【有】【剑】【法】，【而】【是】【用】【的】【拳】【法】。 【不】【知】【道】【她】【有】
“【好】【厉】【害】【的】【一】【招】！” 【就】【算】【是】【北】【溟】【剑】【宗】【的】【一】【些】【老】【人】，【都】【忍】【不】【住】【吃】【惊】。 【四】【种】【属】【性】，【原】【本】【就】【是】【大】【元】【星】【系】，【数】【百】【年】【难】【得】【一】【见】【的】【超】【强】【体】【质】，【金】【无】【名】，【将】【这】【种】【体】【质】【的】【四】【种】【本】【源】【力】【量】，【融】【合】【在】【一】【块】，【这】【爆】【发】【出】【来】【的】【实】【力】，【的】【确】【非】【同】**，【恐】【怖】【至】【极】。 【就】【算】【他】【们】【都】【觉】【得】【十】【分】【惊】【艳】，【这】【根】【本】【不】【是】【年】【轻】【人】，【可】【以】【抵】【挡】【的】【啊】。 “
【距】【离】【御】【灵】【活】【动】【结】【束】【的】【最】【后】【一】【天】，【有】【了】【之】【前】【一】【天】【的】【经】【验】，【凡】【尘】【会】【同】【吹】【水】【家】【族】【的】【都】【选】【择】【了】【最】【后】【的】【消】【停】。 【这】【游】【戏】【就】【是】【这】【样】，【伤】【敌】【一】【千】【自】【损】【八】【百】。 【平】【时】【随】【随】【便】【便】【玩】【玩】【倒】【还】【好】，【可】【这】【次】【关】【系】【到】【御】【灵】【系】【统】【的】【首】【波】【体】【验】【权】，【自】【然】【是】【不】【能】【掉】【以】【轻】【心】。 【李】【浮】【白】【虽】【然】【人】【去】【出】【差】【了】，【可】【是】【考】【虑】【到】【建】【材】【问】【题】，【也】【提】【早】【留】【下】【资】【金】【喊】【话】【长】【生】